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"Successful
and enduring movements for change require those in positions
of power to share power and welcome new ideas, and we have
miles to go in that regard."
-- The Rev. Joseph A. Darby
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The Rev. Joseph A.
Darby
South
Carolina civil rights and religious leader
January 2006
Overview: In this January interview with the Center for
a Better South, civil rights leader Joseph A. Darby, pastor of Morris
Brown AME Church in Charleston, S.C., talks about how progressives
should push policies that improve education and expand economic
opportunities for Southerners in an overall effort to boost everyone's
quality of life.
QUESTION ONE: What's the greatest challenge faced by Southerners
who want the region to become more progressive?
THE REV. JOSEPH. A. DARBY: The greatest challenge is probably
communication and cooperation among Southerners who want the region
to become more progressive. While most Southerners would say that
they want progress, "progressive" is the current label
placed on a diverse group of Southerners who have broad areas of
agreement. Most "progressives" of my acquaintance agree
that there is a need for quality public education, economic equity
opportunity and equal rights in the South, consider public policies
that assure the well-being of all citizens to be a legitimate function
of government, and see a need to acknowledge and correct chronic
barriers to equity.
Challenges, however, arise when it comes to how progress should
look. I've had interesting debates with those who champion environmental
issues when their positions run counter to projects that would bring
opportunity to communities that are poor and black, and with those
in the gay and lesbian community who appreciate my advocacy for
basic legal rights but are bothered that as a pastor, I can't embrace
same-sex marriage.
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ABOUT
JOE DARBY
The Rev. Joseph
A. Darby, pastor of historic Morris Brown AME Church in
Charleston, S.C., is a dynamic leader in the faith and civil
rights communities in the South.
A native of Columbia,
S.C., he has a bachelor's degree from the University of South
Carolina and prepared for the ministry by attending the Lutheran
Theological Southern Seminary. A fourth-generation minister
in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, his congregation
is the largest in the Seventh Episcopal District of the AME
Church.
Darby, winner
of numerous civic and professional awards, also is former
first vice president of the S.C. Conference of Branches of
the NAACP. A recognized authority on historically black churches,
Darby lives in Charleston with his wife Mary. They have two
sons.
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I've also had the unpleasant experience of being called upon by
friends to support their "progressive" issues but sometimes
finding those friends to be reluctant when support was needed for
African-American community issues, and of seeing "progressive"
political candidates become decidedly "conservative" in
the quest for Southern votes.
If those who embrace Southern progress are to achieve that goal,
then we must learn how to communicate with each other in an air
of mutual respect, celebrating our points of agreement while affirming
our right to disagree at times and agreeing on strategies to push
the broader progressive agenda forward. We can then clearly articulate
an agenda for progress instead of just responding to conservative
ideas, and can then take on the greater challenges to communication
posed by those who are far from progressive and who make political
hay of division.
QUESTION TWO: In your previous answer, you say progressives
have to do more than just respond to conservative ideas. What are
some platforms that progressives in the South can start pushing
that will unite them and reap rewards at the polls? In other words,
what issues should frame a successful progressive agenda that will
put more progressive people in office?
DARBY: We need a progressive platform on education that:
(1) affirms the worth of public schools;
(2) assures equitable funding for all public schools;
(3) acknowledges past inequities;
(4) sets forth steps in money, facility improvement and teacher
recruitment to correct those past inequities. We could then address
the current calls for "choice" without public funding
for private schools, because parents would then have a true choice
between quality public and private schools.
We also need a progressive platform for economic development that
encourages responsible businesses to come south - and not just because
the wages are low and the natives are "quaint." That platform
should also provide incentives for businesses to:
(1) nurture and contract with minority businesses;
(2) work with government and the public education system to prepare
local talent for upper echelon jobs; and
(3) locate in areas that face the greatest economic need.
The education and economic platforms go hand in hand and lead to
something that's harder to address in public policy -- quality of
life.
A truly progressive platform should also speak to how good schools
and good jobs strengthen and create safer communities, spur quality
housing, promote stable families, and foster individual independence
and responsibility. Those aren't conservative values, they're American
values.
QUESTION THREE: Jim Wallis, the major evangelical progressive
leader, says what's needed is a social movement to make progressive
things happen in the current narrow political environment. Do you
agree and, if so, what can spawn such a movement?
DARBY: I strongly agree with Wallis. Any successful progressive
social movement has to acknowledge religious faith as more than
a simplistic "Christian left" response to the "Christian
right" (which is often neither Christian nor right). Progressives
must realize that their numbers include people of faith who view
civic responsibility as a moral imperative. The modern civil rights
movement was led and supported in large measure by people of faith.
The basic political strategies used by the "Christian right"
were born in historically black churches. "Faith-based"
government funding for and candidate visits to churches in election
years show that religion matters.
I'd again say that education and economic development are key progressive
platform issues -- both of which can be viewed through the eyes
of faith - for good religion doesn't just ask who sleeps together.
Good religion raises greater questions of justice and decency for
all of Creation. If progressives can include those who frame such
issues in the language of faith and let them help to shape the platform
(rather than just telling them to get out the vote every two years),
then we'd have the makings of a social movement that could change
and broaden the current narrow political environment.
That also, however, requires tolerance by progressives who choose
not to embrace any religion. It also, quite frankly, means helping
some of my progressive clergy colleagues to understand that "advocacy"
is not a dirty word, and that people of faith can't really "help
the needy" without asking political leaders why people are
needy in America of 2006.
QUESTION FOUR: Intellectually, it doesn't seem like rocket science
that progressives need to build this movement that incorporates
things like education, good economic development, a respect for
the outdoors and faith. But practically with people glued to their
televisions and plastered to their couches, how can it be built?
In other words, what has to happen beyond rhetoric to really grow
such a movement and make it happen?
DARBY: That's a harder question. Fifty years ago, the brutal
and stark events of the day created a sense of urgency that energized
a diverse group of people to take action, and the modern civil rights
movement got rolling. When the passage of laws, however, convinced
many of them that black folk had "overcome," people started
looking to their own interests. I think that's where we are today.
A lot of progressives feel a sense of urgency about their individual
or group issues, but that hasn't translated into a broader and more
aggressive movement. We've gotten comfortable and lost our shared
focus on progress, our willingness to sacrifice for others and our
sense of urgency, and haven't done a good job of energizing new
generations.
My hope is that the events of the day will produce a sense of shared
urgency that will spur progressive action, hopefully without the
kind of demagoguery that fueled the "conservative revolution"
or without a tragedy that so outrages the populace that it becomes
a focal point for action. My suggested strategy goes back to question
one. People of like minds need to sit together consistently, talk
to each other without issues of ego or control, and formulate ways
and means of addressing the problems of the day in a way that makes
people want to get on board and take action. We also need to bring
young people and new faces to the table to help shape the message
and movement. Successful and enduring movements for change require
those in positions of power to share power and welcome new ideas,
and we have miles to go in that regard.
QUESTION FIVE: What role does the black church have in powering
progressive ideas?
DARBY: The historically black church and clergy - and people
of faith in general - still have a role to play as one of the organizations
invited to the progressive table. That presence should come with
the understanding that:
(1) not all African-American Christians are "progressives";
(2) some newer evangelical African-American churches have only
a limited commitment to advocacy and action to change public policy;
and that
(3) all faith groups have to exercise care not to be partisan
in the way that they register, educate and mobilize voters and
in how they take policy stands.
I think that people of faith serve as the "conscience"
of progressive movements - making sure that they embrace the well
being of all players, making sure that the message resonates with
people of faith, and translating the message of progress into the
language of faith. African-American Christians tend to be progressive
on issues of equity and progress, but conservative on issues of
the "flesh."
Our presence enables progressives to take principled stands that
may not please all at the table, but that will result from the kind
of dialogue that leads to common ground. That presence is critical,
since many black churches only hear from those in the political
arena in election years, and end up feeling "used." That
presence will also require some progressives to face their personal
prejudices and misconceptions, and welcome people of faith and people
of color as equal partners - not just as "troops" to be
mobilized when the agenda is formed.
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ABOUT THE FIVE QUESTIONS SERIES
In the Center for a Better South's Five Questions
project, staff members to pose challenging questions to Southern
leaders for their views on how to deal with public policy issues.
Republication encouraged. Media organizations are
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© 2005, Center for a Better South.
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